SOLD FOR A MESS OF POTTAGE

Government officials had little difficulty purchasing the land needed for European settlers. In October 1840 George Clarke purchased the block fronting the Waitemata needed for the township. This was a triangular block, of about 3,000 acres, extending along the foreshore from Hobson Bay to Cox's Creek and inland to Maungawhau (Mt. Eden). The land was sold by Ngatiwhatua—the deed was actually signed by Apihai te Kawau,

Tinana, Rewiti Tamaki and Horo. Clarke paid the chiefs £66 in cash^* and goods worth £215. The goods were listed in the deed—50 blankets, 20 pairs of trousers, 20 shirts, 10 waistcoats, 10 caps, 4 casks of tobacco, 1 box of pipes, 100 yards of gown pieces, 10 iron pots, 1 bag of sugar, 1 bag of flour and 20 hatchets. The whole block had cost less than 2/- an acre. Yet within six months the Government had made a handsome profit by selling a small portion of it. In April 1841 at the first Crown land sale 44 acres of town lots were sold for £24,275—over £550 per acre. The Europeans who had paid the high prices also made money out of it, some of them immediately, by sub-dividing and reselling parts of their lots.

Hobson was jubilant over his success as a landbroker and hastened to obtain more Maori land. In May 1841 the Government purchased the Kohimarama block—about 6,000 acres—from Ngatipaoa. This included all the waterfront land from Kohimarama to the Tamaki estuary. The tribe was paid £100 in cash and goods worth £258. A month later Ngatiwhatua sold another block of land, about 13,000 acres, inland from the Waitemata block and bounded by Maungakiekie (One Tree Hill) in the south-west and the Whau estuary in the north-west. The payment was £225 in cash plus goods valued at £164. Money was also paid on some more distant blocks at the head of the Waitemata, North Shore and Papakura but these transactions were not completed for some years.

By the end of 1842 all the land fronting the Waitemata from the Tamaki estuary to the head of the harbour, except the Orakei block, had been purchased. The Maoris still owned a valuable strip of land running from Orakei, through Remuera, to the Manukau and most of the land around this harbour.

European settlers were soon agitating for the purchase of this land. They were anxious to purchase it directly from the Maori owners, hoping to avoid paying the minimum of £1 per acre that they had to pay for Crown land. In March 1844 Governor Fitzroy gave in, waived the Crown's right of pre-emption, and allowed Europeans to purchase directly from the Maoris on condition that they paid a Government fee of 10/- per acre. Few were satisfied with the concession and only a little over 2,000 acres were purchased. Agitation was renewed, this time aimed at a reduction of the government fee. Fitzroy was disturbed by Heke's revolt in the north and after a Maori demonstration had been staged at Remuera in May (mainly by the Waikato tribes) was apprehensive that the trouble would spread to the south. He too readily accepted European suggestions that a reduction in the 10/- fee would quieten the Maoris and in October reduced it to 1d. per acre.

This was the signal for a burst of purchasing by Europeans who, in the remainder of 1844 and 1845, claimed to have acquired an estate of 100,000 acres from the Maoris. Most of this land was in the neighbourhood of Auckland, some of it along the boundaries of the earlier Government purchases.^† But the purchasers were sorely disappointed when the new Governor, Captain George Grey, arrived at the end of 1845. He immediately restored the Crown's right of pre-emption and later held an enquiry into the European claims. The fraudulent claims were cancelled and the exaggerated ones reduced. Less than 20,000 acres were finally awarded to the claimants. But the surplus of these claims was not returned to the Maoris; instead the Crown retained it, after making some pittance payments to them.

By 1850 the Orakei reserve was the only substantial block of land left in Maori hands in the whole of the Tamaki isthmus. The remainder of the land had been sold cheaply and the proceeds squandered. The cheap prices were excused on the grounds that European settlement would increase the value of Maori reserves and that Maoris by cultivating their land and making contact with Europeans would acquire the arts of civilisation. A comfortable view—for the Europeans—but it did not work out in practice.

The trouble was that the Ngatiwhatua tribe could not retain their Orakei reserve, even though the chiefs had wanted it kept for the children. From time to time they were tempted to sell portions of the reserve and nearly all of the land dwindled away. Today there is hardly enough left for a marae.

The Government started nibbling at Orakei in 1850 when H. T. Clarke bought 700 acres of the Remuera end. Clarke admitted the chiefs had set the land aside “as a nest-egg for their children”. The chiefs then agreed to accept £12,000 for the 700 acres but after “prolonged and wearisome interviews”, Clarke beat them down to £5,000. Certainly this was more than the Government had paid for Maori land in the ‘forties; but it still made exhorbitant profit on re-sale. One-third of the block was sold immediately for £32,000 and, according to Clarke, the whole block realised just on £100,000. Another 470 acres were purchased from the Maori owners in 1855 for £2,000—not a high price, the Southern Cross noted, because the Government had been selling adjoining land (probably Clark's purchase) for £100 an acre.

Approximately 700 acres of Maori land were left around Okahu Bay. Could the Maori owners keep this as a nest-egg for their children? For many years it seemed that they could. The Government left them alone. The Europeans who were anxious to obtain the land when direct purchase

was introduced again in 1862 were frustrated when Fenton's Native Land Court judgment of 1868 made the land inalienable. In 1882 an Act of Parliament unconditionally reserved the block for its Maori owners. The Maori hold on Orakei seemed secure. In 1908, however, an act was passed to consolidate Maori land legislation and it was found that this had the effect of repealing the section of the 1882 Act bearing on Orakei. A syndicate of European speculators then tried to buy the land and at the urgent request of the City Council the Government stepped in. Instead of passing legislation to make Orakei inalienable once more the Government started to purchase it. The individual Maori interests were gradually purchased over the next 30 years and virtually all the 700 acres was acquired by the Crown. Much of the land was sold off to Europeans and the portions overlooking the harbour have become Auckland's most fashionable suburb.

The transactions on Maori land should not be considered abnormal. Europeans regarded land as a commodity to be bought at the cheapest price and sold at the dearest. It was to be expected that the Government and European settlers would treat Maori land in this fashiion. To speculate with it was good business and a way of making money. And land speculation, plus the expansion of commerce helped European settlers to get established. European merchants offered Maoris an opportunity to trade and European farmers were willing to employ Maori labour. Maoris still had a chance to adapt themselves to European civilisation.

LEARNING THE ARTS OF
CAPITALISM

Maoris were quick to take advantage of trading opportunities after 1840. It was some years before European farming got established around Auckland and there was an eager demand for Maori-grown produce. There was a gradual influx of tribal groups into surrounding districts. By 1843 Orakei and Remuera land was being cultivated by Ngatipaoa as well as Ngatiwhatua. Groups of the Waikato tribes moved north to cultivate at Mangere, and the land given to them by Apihai te Kawau at Onehunga and Remuera. A Maori mart was established on the waterfront at Commercial

View from One Tree Hill over Orakei, the last foothold of the ancient Maori in Auckland. This land came on the market after 1908 when the sales prohibition was removed. (Photo: Robin Wood)

A Maori family goes to market in Auckland in the eighteen-forties.
Photo: Alexander Turnbull Library.

By the beginning of the ‘fifties this trade was starting to blossom out. Shrewd Auckland merchants pioneered an export trade with the Californian and Victorian goldfields. Maori agriculturalists supplied most of the produce, much of it from the Waikato, Bay of Plenty and Poverty Bay. Auckland became an important market town. The Waitemata and Manukau harbours were regularly cluttered with Maori vessels which brought the produce to market and returned laden with European wares. The town was flooded periodically with Maoris who displayed rare talents at bargaining, selling their produce to the highest bidder and buying their requirements at the cheapest prices.

Waikato, with its fertile pockets of land, became the granary of the Province. In 1855 the Waikato tribes produced 203,120 bushels of wheat, 1,515 of oats and 600 tons of potatoes. This was valued at £105,472. Ingenious and often laborious methods were adopted to get the produce to Auckland. Fully-laden canoes shipped it down the Waipa and Waikato to the Awaroa and then up this tributary to the portage near Waiuku. The canoes were dragged across the portage to the Manukau, re-loaded and then paddled across to Onehunga. The last stage of the journey was made on foot—long lines of men and women, burdened with the kits, trekked their produce along the Manukau road to Auckland. Then after the produce had been sold and the European goods purchased—and perhaps an overnight stay at Orakei—the long journey home was commenced. Other tribes were just as industrious and frequently made visits to deal in Auckland's markets.

Many individuals stayed on in Auckland to work for the Government or Europeans. Maori labour was used on the construction of the Albert Barracks and other public works. They were regularly employed as farm hands by the European gentlemen farmers. Groups of Maoris were temporarily employed during harvesting operations Some acquired knowledge of more skilled occupations like printing and shipbuilding. The more prosperous tribes even went to the extent of employing European artisans, usually by contract, to erect flour mills. Indeed, it seemed that the Maoris were rapidly adapting themselves to the European economy. The relationship appeared to be mutually beneficial and hopeful souls, Governor Gray included, considered that the problems of amalgamation (they really meant Europeanisation) were being solved peacefully. It was only wishful thinking.

ECONOMIC CONFLICT AND
RACIAL TENSION

The racial conflict which led to the wars of the 'sixties was mainly economic in origin. Economic conflict, in the northern part of the island, was a direct result of the expansion of the European economy—mercantile and agricultural—centred on Auckland. It was aggravated by the success of Maori agricultural production. Auckland merchants wanted to invest profits from the Maori trade in land; and the Maoris, now that they were successfully cultivating their land, did not want to give it up. Increased immigration increased the European demand for land. Auckland farmers resented Maori competition because Maoris were undercutting them in the market. The Maori tribes, while growing European crops and using European equipment, retained their traditional group methods of organised work. They did not farm as individuals. This was the secret of their success, enabling them to produce crops at lower costs than the European farmers. Some European farmers could compete by employing cheap Maori labour; but this embittered unemployed European labourers.

The fact that the bottom fell out of the agricultural export market in 1856 did not lessen economic conflict. European farmers changed over to pastoralism, which needed more land, and made incessant demands for the fertile Waikato. The Maoris stuck to agriculture and were annoyed when the merchants reduced prices for wheat and potatoes. Moreover the growth of two different styles of farming led to numerous petty squabbles. Maori pigs rooted in European pastures and their dogs worried European sheep; European cattle destroyed Maori crops. European merchants went in for trading arms, ammunition and liquor and Maoris in their eagerness to buy these got into debt. The merchants wanted land to pay the debts. Maori opposition to land selling was increasing. The various Waikato tribes, having seen Ngatiwhatua swamped by selling their land in the ‘forties, were determined to halt European expansion into their own district. They had already sold land at Mangere and Waiuku but in the early ‘fifties they agreed to ban land sales south of the Mangatawhiri.

In Auckland itself suspicion and racial antipathy were growing It was found that contact with Europeans was not an unmixed blessing. Restrictions against selling liquor had become a dead letter. European publicans sold the deadly waipiro openly in the town and out-settlements; even in the Waikato where they held “bush licences.” Drunken Maoris became a regular sight in the streets of Auckland

There was no proper accommodation in town for Maori visitors from the country. If they did not camp at Orakei they had to put up with one miserable hovel in the town, described as no better than a pig sty. Europeans ignorant of Maori customs failed to treat chiefs with courtesy. Often there were drunken brawls; sometimes inter-racial fights, as at Otahuhu in 1857 when a group of military pensioners and some Waikato Maoris came to blows. In this, according to one newspaper which admitted it did not have all the facts, the Maoris got “a well-merited thrashing.”

Such episodes aggravated racial friction. The King Movement developed in the Waikato. It was primarily an attempt to save the land, but it was spurred on by the treatment Maoris received in Auckland. Speakers at King party meetings frequently referred to the evils of liquor, the prostitution of their women and ill-treatment in Auckland. Wiremu Tamihana Tarapipi became the leading promoter of the movement after being badly treated by a Government official in Auckland. Potatau Te Whero Whero, who had lived for some years at Mangere as a reliable friend of the Government and Europeans, withdrew to Ngaruawahia in 1858 to accept the Kingship. Many of his kinsmen went with him.

WAR

When the Taranaki war broke out in 1860 matters started to come to a head. A large conference of chiefs friendly to the Government was held at Kohimarama later in the year but failed to arrest the drift to war. Both sides were arming, drilling and preparing for battle. In July, 1863, war started when General Cameron invaded the Waikato.

Although most of the fighting was confined to the Waikato and beyond, the war did have an important effect on the Maoris in and around Auckland. Most of these people were still friendly to the Government but were in a precarious position. Those in the out-settlements like Papakura were given the option of taking an oath of allegiance to the Queen or retiring to the Waikato. The oath-taking was not always properly carried out and some Maoris were driven off at the point of the bayonet. Their property was looted.^* Most of the young men joined the King party and the older men, the women and children put themselves under the care of Bishop Selwyn—they were later put under Government custody. In Auckland the faithful—they were mainly Ngatiwhatua—had to abide by a curfew and wear coloured arm-bands if venturing into the streets during the day. Most found it advisable to remain at the Orakei settlement. The hatreds engendered by war meant that even friendly Maoris were not safe in town.

AFTERMATH OF THE WARS

The wars were a dividing line in Maori-European relations. The Europeans, backed by British troops won the struggle for mastery and land was confiscated with impunity. The Maori bitterness which followed took generations to heal. The Maoris who had not fought were soon enmeshed in land transactions with European settlers and litigation in the Native Land Court under the Native Land Act of 1865. A wave of alcoholism, partly associated with land dealings, swept the country and the Maori population declined. Maori agricultural production declined too and their trade with Auckland was no longer important.

Auckland was now a Europeans' town. Certainly its merchants, by losing the Maori trade and commissariat contracts after the war, had a difficult time for some years. But ultimately they found new wealth in European farm production, much of it grown on the confiscated Waikato and exported through Auckland.

Few Maoris returned to former settlements near Auckland. Those who returned to reserves in the Mangere-Waiuku district found most of their land had been confiscated; and that left was soon

snapped up by Europeans under the Act of 1865. Even the Ngatiwhatua reserve at Orakei was deserted by the bulk of the tribe who lived at Kaipara. The few who stayed at Orakei took little part in city life and spent much of their time gum-digging in the country. Their principal chief, Paul Tuhaere, who had formerly gone tophatted to Government House parties, began to prefer the company of his compatriots. In the 'sixties and early 'seventies he led several schooner expeditions to Raratonga. He became a regular attender at meetings of the King party. Here he exhorted the King party to retain their land, bitterly recollecting his own experience as a landseller; “Look at me, a man who knows how to suffer.” He urged them not to admit the Native Land Court, to keep out the European surveyors and purchase agents.

Many thought a reconciliation was coming when Tawhiao, the Maori King, visited Auckland in 1882. He was feted all round because, as Maning pointed out, “it is land and railways the pakehas want, don't they wish they may get either one or the other, without paying well for them.” Tawhiao was unimpressed and four years later bitterly but unsuccessfully opposed the opening of the King Country. Although Tawhiao and the bulk of the Waikatos returned to small reserves at Ngaruawahia there was no reconciliation for many years. It was a far cry from 1844 when the proud Waikatos demonstrated before an apprehensive Governor at Remuera.

The idea grew up that the city and city life was not for Maoris—they should stay in the country at their settlements. As late as 1935 the Auckland Mayor Mr (later Sir) Ernest Davis was stating the “Maori is a child of nature, and it is better both for him and the pakeha that he should live in the country and not in the town.” The Maori was being considered as a museum piece of the countryside, little of which he now owned. It was good for tourism to show him off to visitors. Rotorua, not Auckland, was the best place for this. After the turn of the century there had been half-hearted attempts to set up a model Maori village at Orakei, as a tourist attraction, but nothing was achieved. The later Government purchase of the Maori land and disposal of some of it to Europeans meant that considerable opposition arose to the scheme. The City Council, in its report of 1935, came out in opposition, fearing that a model village would soon degenerate into a slum; and added that it was not in the interests of the European residents to have Maoris living in the midst of a fashionable European suburb.

It was not until the war years that Maoris began to return to Auckland in significant numbers. Like their predecessors, 100 years earlier, they came in search of employment, European skills and knowledge. Like their predecessors too they have their problems of adjustment to what is in some respects an alien way of life. Fortunately the experiences of the past can be of some help—if both races will heed them. Maoris of to-day realise the need to retain an interest in their own culture, as well as to learn the occupational skills of the European. There is virtually no land left now; but it will be a help if enough land can be found for a marae and community centre. Because of its historical associations these should be at Orakei.

would soon be saying goodbye to her grandson. At times she was glad he was going to be a doctor, but it was such a long way from home that he had to go. Still he was a good boy and she did not want him to finish up working on the boats or in the streets as others from the village had done when they had sought work in the city. She thought that was wrong—“The Maori belongs on his land,” she would argue, forgetting that there was no longer enough land for them all. Granny could not realise that Maori boys had to go to the cities for education and employment. To her, the city was an evil or a luxury (she did not quite know which) created by the Pakeha for the Pakeha only. But Granny was wrong.

And now Rangi was talking to his son, “Get stuck into those books boy; plenty of time for the pictures. It's a busy place in the city.” Rangi briefly recalled his own days in Auckland. He had been working in the Freezing Works there for a while—for experience he always said. It was sure some place—especially for the boy from the backblocks. There were pictures every night, dances, parties and plenty of girls. That's where he met his wife. Poor old Hine—killed in a taxi accident. When she died the city seemed strangely empty and Rangi took Tuhou back to the farm—far away from the bustle and row of modern civilization. Yes, Rangi had lived in the city; Tuhou was too young to know it but Rangi knew it well and did not want his son to fall into the traps that could

be awaiting him. “And don't forget to keep warm,’ he was saying. “They say it's pretty cold in the South Island.”

The car stopped at the main road. It was a lovely morning with just a slight breeze. “Here it is!” The bus rounded the corner. Tuhou picked up his coat. Rangi began unloading the car.

“Well, goodbye boy;” it was Koro. Strangely enough, Koro had wanted to be a doctor when he was young. He too had done well at school and was a natural student. But in those days it was very different. His people would not let him go too far away from home. Besides that they were all a little suspicious of doctors. The local chap—Dr Adsett was a great old chap but the old people in the pa were a little afraid of his medicines. Koro grinned; they were funny then. “Look after yourself down there,” he went on, “and work hard. We all want you to do well with your studies. Goodbye boy.”

His firm hand, toughened by years of hard work, shook Tuhoe's.

Now it was Rangi. “Keep warm down there Tuhou. Let us know how you're getting on won't you. Cheerio. Look after yourself now.”

Tuhou forced a “Yes” as he grasped his father's hand. He felt that funny feeling inside again and his throat seemed to be in his mouth.

Granny put an arm around him. She was crying. “Now be a good boy down there. Don't go round with those bad boys—some of them are not very nice in the city. And don't forget your church Boy; try and go to church when you get time.” Now she took his hand and squeezed a crumpled ten-pound note into it. “Keep that dear. I saved it just for you. Goodbye Tuhou, God bless you boy.” She kissed him.

Inside the bus, Tuhou looked through the back window. The three of them stood there waving. Tears were flowing down Granny's cheeks.

“Haere ra e tama” she called but the noise from the bus drowned her.

Tuhou waved back and kept waving till the bus suddenly turned a corner and they disappeared. He had fought to hold back tears. Now he turned round and took in the view of fleeting trees and cows. The engine droned on; conversation buzzed around him; cigarette smoke drifted into the air and circled curiously out the window; someone coughed. Tuhou had left the country. He had left his home and was going to another place—almost another world. He was leaving a quiet, happy world with its own melodious language and entering a busy, noisy world with harsh sounds in every corner. He felt very lonely as he gazed out of the window—almost like a love bird on a long migration to another country. He had left the nest.

It had been hard to say Goodbye.

ADAPTATION TAKES TIME

Regarding types of offences committed by Maoris Mr J. McCreary of the School of Social Science, Victoria University has analysed statistics relating to Maori criminality and has noted that Maoris tend to commit the more aggressive and active kind of offences. Some of the offences in this category are unlawful conversion of motor vehicles, breaking and entering, common assault and unlawful carnal knowledge. It is noticeable, however, that sexual perversion is far less common among Maoris than pakehas. There are other offences which are sometimes the result of poor adaptation to city life. These include theft of clothing of the “first up best dressed type”, false pretences by selling goods that are subject to hire purchase agreements and being idle and disorderly with insufficient lawful means of support.

Over indulgence in alcoholic liquor by relaxing personal control is often a factor in many cases that come before the Court and this applies to pakehas as well as to Maoris. It is interesting to note, however, that alcoholism, i.e., uncontrollable and compulsive drinking is less prevalent among Maoris than among pakehas.

The response of Maoris released on probation is by and large as satisfactory as is the response of pakehas. Some certainly need supervision and guidance to encourage regular work habits, the more prudent handling of their wages and a more orderly way of life. In some cases the leniency extended by the Court is misinterpreted as weakness and this, of course, may lead to further offending. There are cases too, where a young Maori is obviously unable to cope with city life and where this is apparent efforts are made to find him employment away from the city and its many temptations. Others may require institutional training and discipline before they come to a realization that the law must be obeyed and that they have to lead a more orderly life if they are to avoid trouble.

While it is true that the Maori race in the short period of a hundred years has had to try and adapt to the pakeha way of life, and many Maoris have made this transition successfully, yet it is a fact that too many Maoris in the younger age groups come before the Courts. The cultural factor is one which cannot be ignored, but I feel that the process of cultural adaptation is one which cannot be hastened and maybe it will take another generation or more before Maoris as a race are well adapted to the pakeha way of life.

WHAT IS THE SOLUTION?

It seems that Maori offenders in the 16–30 years age group are more irresponsible and more inclined to live for the day only than pakehas in the same age group. This could perhaps be attributed to the breaking down of tribal customs and sanctions and the fact that the authority of Maori elders is less effective in the city where, to an extent, the younger Maoris are detribalized. There is no doubt that, except in a few cases, Maori offenders know right from wrong and are aware when they break the law that they have done so even prior to arrest. It is noticeable, however, that after the age of thirty years offending by Maoris tends to taper off which may indicate an increasing sense of responsibility and maturity in those over thirty years of age.

I have no ready made solution for the problems involved. It does seem, however, that Maori parents in rural areas would be well advised to-consider the likely effect of the city and ilts temptations on young people who have never been far away from home before. This applies particularly in those cases where the young people concerned have no relatives in the city who can guide them safely through the crucial first few months in Auckland.

Furthermore there is tendency on the part of Maori parents not to claim board from their children once they commence work. This sometimes results in the young person concerned arriving in the city never having made any allowance in his wages for board and basic living expenses. The result is that in the city he may spend his wages too freely and then find that he is in arrears with board and is very short of money before pay day. In this way he might find it difficult to resist temptation.

⋆ ⋆ ⋆

Mr Patrick Davis, aged 56, of Ngati Hou, was awarded the Royal New Zealand Humane Society's bronze medal for bravery last February. He had tried, at the risk of his own life, to save an elderly man from electrocution in Auckland.

Is there Maori leadership in Auckland? How does it differ from the traditional leadership? These questions are answered in this authoritative essay from Dr Winiata, based on the material in his unpublished doctoral thesis. Auckland Maori leaders, he says, ‘are close to European institutions though they are never forgetful of their Maori origins; they try to adjust Maori society to the demands of the wider environment and to rise above the narrowing limitations of kinship affiliations.’

SETTING

There are roughly 12,000 Maori people of diverse origins from the major tribal groups in the country in the city of Auckland, among a total population of over 400,000.

The Maori people are engaged in clothing factories, on the wharves, in the freezing works, in the transport services, the city municipal works and the building trades. They are found in the teaching services and in the Government departments, particularly the Department of Maori Affairs.

They live in the slum areas of Airedale Street, Freeman's Bay, Hobson Street, etc., as well as in the newer housing areas of Orakei, Onehunga, Owairaka and Mangere. Many Maori people own their houses but the majority utilise the housing programme of the State. An old traditional marae, Orakei was situated not far from the heart of the city, belonging to the local Ngatiwhatua tribe, but this has now been eliminated except for the cemetery and the people are now established in the new housing area not far away. They still have a certain sentimental regard for the old marae. Other concentrations of Maori people from Waikato live further out at Onehunga, Pukaki and Mangere, which at one time were quite large marae, but today remain largely as Maori settlements.

The recent influx of Maori people to the city created social problems that were intensified by the unstable war conditions, and brought the existence of the new Maori communities to the notice of the city. As a result, various programmes for Maori rehabilitation were organised with the aid of Maori leaders. These included the erection of houses under various loan schemes and the construction of a building as a social centre for the Maori community as a whole with money contributed by the State from Maori sources and also by Maori tribes.

KINSHIP

In the villages, kinship groups are usually confined to one's own family or sub-tribe, but in the city they often comprise a much wider circle of kinsmen, even a complete tribe or canoe area. Some groups may assume a geographic or territorial name to cover this wider amalgamation, and may even enlist the support of extra-kinship adherents. The sense of obligation on the grounds of kinship varies in intensity, but the sentiment attaching to an ancestral name is sufficient to make people feel that they belong to a group. On the other hand, the kinship group has been known to rally to the assistance of members in distress, to welcome relatives from a home district, to perform ceremonial functions or initiate discussions on a specific tribal welfare matter. Kinship motives may also enter into the other groupings such as church, sports and recreation.

Leadership in the kinship groups is taken by persons of the kaumatua and kuia class who show interest or some competency in the skills required in the specialised activities of the group. In Auckland the more traditional leaders, people with some standing in the tribe back home, may find their way into the positions of status through their European associations, personal drive and ability, and also because of the deference accorded to them by members of their specific group.

“X” comes of the senior lines in Ngatikahungunu and Ngatiporou. He is the recognised leader of the people from those tribes in the city. But then he is also a civil servant, and in a position to give assistance to those who need it. He is, further, an expert in Maori skills, such as oratory, ceremonials and the haka. He is consulted by members of the tribes visiting Auckland, and takes charge of ceremonial welcomes to them. In his case his kinship background combined with his official position strengthens his status. One of his roles is that of kaumatua.

“Z” is kaumatua of his tribe. He is an authority on the genealogies, being one of the leading wise men of the tribal Wananga. He knows the traditions of the canoe Ngatokimatawhaorua. When the Northern peoples decided to celebrate the traditional arrival of the tribal canoes, it was he who initiated the movement for raising money and discussions concerning the matter among his kinsfolk in the city.

“A” is a direct descendent of a renowned chieftain of 100 years ago and is therefore a recognised kaumatua leader of note among the Ngapuhi peoples. “A” has had some education and is equipped with Maori skills such as facility with the language and knowledge of tradition, the genealogy. He is also an important person in politics. In any important discussions concerning Ngapuhi welfare “A” is invariably called and the people listen to what he has to say. When for instance the Minister of Maori Affairs came to Auckland to speak on behalf of a candidate for the Northern Maori seat, “A” though opposed to this candidate politically, assisted in the proceedings. This was his marae.

All these men and several others are prominent in the Auckland Maori Community. They are men of standing in their own particular kinship groups. In the city they assume the same status within their own tribe or sub-tribe. With the exception of “Z” they are prominent representatives of European organisations. This adds to their acceptability to the people. But it is their skill in Maori things—oratory, knowledge of traditions and genealogies, interest in Maori welfare—that gives them that extra spurt that enables them to move forward as leaders in the specific circumstances where their skills are needed. As their Maori skills are at a premium, they tend to take over on behalf of the Maori community as a whole on such things as ceremonials and welcomes to distinguished visitors. When the Community Centre buildings were dedicated they represented the Maori community and took part in the proceedings as kaumatua leaders. When the mortuary rites were performed to commemorate the death of the late Sir A. T. Ngata, they welcomed Ngatiporou and arranged for the accommodation of the visitors. When Sir Peter Buck was farewelled at the Community Centre, the same leaders appeared at kaumatua performing the necessary offices, just as they would when on the marae in the tribal village.

RELIGION

Both Maori and European derived religious organisations are found in the Auckland Maori Community. The Latter Day Saints, the Church of England, the Presbyterians, the Methodists, the Roman Catholics, the United Maori Mission, the Brethren, the Ratana, the Nakahi, the Paimarire, and the followers of Rapana are all there To varying degrees the European derived churches maintain separate church services for the Maori members, though in all cases a ready welcome is extended the Maori people to attend the services in the European churches.

The Latter Day Saints and the Roman Catholics tend to become incorporated more than the others in the European churches. The leadership is given by both Maori and European clergy. Strong youth leadership among the laity is encouraged by the United Maori Mission, the Latter Day Saints and the Brethren.

The largest Maori derived denomination in the city is Ratana. Like the Latter Day Saints, the Ratana tend to pervade their influence throughout the community in the form of the social and recreational clubs, though the Roman

Catholics and to a lesser extent the Church of England, seem to be doing the same thing. Attitudes and policies are very frequently decided in political and administrative organisations by the religious background of members. Then, in the selection of leaders for the tribal committees, again one notes the religious and the kinship affiliations exerting an influence. A leader in a church secures a place in the tribal committee.

“F” is a preacher. He became a chairman of a tribal committee and from there he went on to the Waitemata Tribal Executive. He was chosen from the Waitemata Tribal Executive to a place on the important housing allocation committee in the city. His position in the church gave him standing in the tribal executive. He was frequently asked to open the meetings with prayer. It should be said that he was a competent a administrator, a good speaker in both Maori and English and a man with wide welfare interests.

ADMINISTRATION

One of the main problems that confronted leaders in the city was to secure sufficient cohesion among the diverse groups to provide the basis for local government. The Maori community was within and yet quite apart from the social organisation of the European. It had no unity but was split up into separate groups animated by distinctive interests and conflicting kinship loyalties. Ethnic affiliations, pressures from the European, the establishment of a physical community centre helped to suggest unities but in actual practice the relationship between the groups was loose and quite informal.

Maori leaders themselves regarding the phenomenon from within their own groups recognised that no solution at present could come from within any of the groups, neither could kinship relationships be made the basis for unity, as in the country districts. The framework would have to come from the outside. The opportunity was offered in the tribal committee organisation under the Maori Social and Economic Advancement Act, 1945. But, as the tribal committee organisation was designed to operate in a homogeneous kinship region, the Act, in order to be applicable to the peculiar conditions in the city, had to be adapted.

Auckland was divided up into territorial divisions, and the Maori residents in each division formed their own tribal committee, whether or not they belonged to the same tribe or subtribe. In some of the divisions, though a geographic name was adopted by a tribal committee, the majority of the members did belong to a specific tribe, but in the main local residence was the dominating factor in tribal committee membership.

Each tribal committee sent two delegates to the Waitemata Tribal Executive, which covers the whole of Auckland. This was usually the chairman and the secretary. In contrast to the country districts with their closer kinship grouping, the tribal executive, not the tribal committee constituent was the most important body. Frequently a tribal committee was formed for the purpose essentially of getting on to the tribal executive, and the tribal committee did not hold very many meetings. The tribal executive committee on the other hand dealt directly with European organisations in the city and with the Government through the Maori Affairs Department. The executive committee was active and strong because it had sound leadership and greater authority to get things from the Government.

This greater power of the tribal executive was feared by the tribal committees and the sports and recreational organisations. The tendency under these circumstances was for the tribal executive to stand apart even from their originating and sponsoring tribal committees. The leaders in the tribal executive carried out propaganda work to try and bring the various sports and recreation organisations into the tribal committee organisation either by joining an existing tribal committee or by formally declaring itself a tribal committee for purposes of the Act. The advantages of such measures however did not appeal to many of the sports organisations because of the fear of tribal executive interference in the internal administration of the smaller groups. In effect therefore the authority of the tribal executive though recognised by law supported by the Department of Maori Affairs and acknowledged by European organisations remained rather suspended, and the majority of groups in the city continued their own independent existence.

It is possible that in urban Maori communities a high degree of cohesion as visualised by leaders is neither possible in the near future nor desirable. The best that the tribal executive committee can hope to do is to nominally represent the Maori community as a whole and offer its facilities for the expression of Maori views, and its services for the diplomatic functions that may be required in the interaction with the European. In this respect then it seems immaterial whether all the groups in the city defer to the tribal organisations, in order to enable the latter to represent them. The tribal committee can still speak for the groups, and can offer its facilities to them without assuming overriding powers.

“X” and “Z” have already been mentioned in connection with leadership in the kinship groupings. All of them hold high positions in the tribal executive. “X” and “Z” do this by virtue of the fact that they are civil servants, whose duties are to promote interest in tribal committee organisations, to supervise over the meetings, and to report the proceedings to the Department of Maori Affairs. They are the intermediaries between

the Maori people and the Governmnt. In addition, however, these men are genuinely interested in Maori welfare work in the city. They help people to get houses and give them advice when they come to the city. These activities on behalf of the Maori people go beyond their official duties.

SPORTS AND RECREATION

By far the most numerous groups were those to do with sports and recreation. These included Rugby football, Rugby League, Tennis, Basketball, Baseball, Dance Bands, Church Choirs, concert parties and social clubs. While some of these groups confined themselves to the activity referred to in the Club's name, others correlated a variety of activities in their programmes. Other sports and recreational groups were attached to church and kinship organisations. Latter Day Saints had a dance band, a choir and a concert party. The Ratana Church also supported a dance band and a social club, while the United Maori Mission had a concert party for the young people who lived in its hostels. The Rarawa Club was primarily a kinship organisation and so was the Tairawhiti Club. The latter organised Maori concerts with a party from its members, while the former ran a sports club, a weekly dance, and a social club as part of its work.

Although there was intermingling between Maori and European in sports and social gatherings through the various clubs, the identity of the groups remained Maori and in the main catered for young Maori people. Their administration too remained in Maori hands. While some of the sports clubs joined the general European controlled competitions and a Maori representative was appointed to the Rugby Union and the Rugby League controlling bodies, there were at the same time several Maori controlled competitions. Less prominent than in the country, but nevertheless quite significant was the feature of inter-tribal competition and rivalry in sports. Much of the leadership of the sports and recreation bodies was in the hands of the rangatahi leaders, who were specialists qualified by their specific playing skills. More often however the administrative leadership was assumed by an older person.

These non-playing leaders were usually persons long established in the City, the knew their way around, and they recognised that young people coming into the city required a social life and sports activities arranged for them. Frequently the profit motive in the clubs was the main appeal to the administrators. The young people however were satisfied as long as they reecived their fun. A shrewd administrator of Maori social and sports activities may use a tribal name to draw the young people from that district, or the initial steps of establishing the clubs may be fairly free of any thought of commercialisation. Soon however many clubs become money making concerns.

The rangatahi leaders may find themselves being ushered into leadership positions in other groups. The general policy seem to be, where a club is strong, to try and keep its independence from the tribal executive who is trying to unite everybody, or else to form another group apart from the club though with the club personnel, and call it a tribal committee, and thereby get on to the tribal executive and at the same time retain the separate identity of the club.

WOMEN'S ORGANISATIONS

Maori women's organisations attached to the churches have had a long history in the city. But the most important Maori women's organisation at the present time is the Maori Women's Welfare League. The forte of the League in Auckland is welfare and it is closely allied to the tribal committee organisation. Like tribal committees it is theoretically a territorial rather than a kinship organisation. But by virtue of the fact that the Ngapuhi and Ngatiwhatua women out-number the others, the leadership of the League tends to come from those tribes.

On the whole the Maori Women's Welfare League seem to be less bothered by outside in-

fluences, such as tribal or church affiliations. One of the reasons for this is that the interests are strictly in the field of women's concerns. The leadership is strong, and the emancipation of Maori women, something novel, is taking up the full attention of all. Maori women are in control of their own affairs. The Auckland league is part of the national organisation. Social functions like ceremonials, welcome to visitors and catering for meetings, all require the assistance of women folk, not only the kuia class, but also the younger women. Thus from their local branches they move forward into the district council and in that capacity they each serve or perform the rituals at the Maori Community Centre. An example of the energy and vitality in the League leadership may be mentioned in connection with the housing survey of the city which the League carried out. This was the first of its kind in the history of New Zealand to be conducted by women, Maori or European.

“K” is a widow and is one of the recognised kuia in Auckland. Her age, her wisdom, her possession of Maori skills, her hospitality and generosity and interest in Maori welfare and appreciation of Maori values are among her qualifications for leadership. She is held in high respect by all who know her, of whatever tribe. She is chairman of one of the branches of the league in the city area. There are here a combination of both the

traditional and the modern in her status and functions. She guides the meetings of the League, assisted by a younger educated person as secretary, and also by the local women welfare officer, a Maori. On ceremonial occasions when visitors are welcomed to the Community Centre building, she graces the occasion with her presence alongside the kaumatua.

“C” is the wife of a successful public servant, prominent among his own tribe. She is the daughter of a Maori leader, and by birth is high up in the old tribal ranking system. This background helps her to gain standing in League affairs and in the community generally. She is also a member of the Church of England committee and of the local branch of a political party, while she is trustee in a tribal committee. “C” is well educated, she has a lot of European ideas, but she is at the same time interested in Maori ideals and welfare. She is also a capable speaker and a competent administrator. She is rather of the younger type of women, and she has not as yet graduated to the rank of the kuia like “K”.

PARTY POLITICS

Party politics have held a wide interest for the Maori people in Auckland. This is natural because the people here wrk in industry and are therefore members of trade unions. The residence too of the Maori member of Parliament for the Northern Electorate is in the city. The urban Maori is more dependent upon the wage packet received from his employment than the rural dweller. Thus he is more open and sensitive to the usual party political propaganda concerning the close connection between economic conditions and politics. The two political parties, Labour and National, have their branches among the Maori people. Divisions of the community into political groups follow clear outlines. Certain tribal and religious groups support one or other of the political parties. The kind of employment and family connections seem to be factors in choosing a political party.

“Q” is from a southern tribe, whose traditional support of the National Party is known. “Q” is an officer of the National Party in the city. He has an academic background and is a teacher in a city school. “Q” has not taken any leading part in the affairs of the Maori community in Auckland. His

Two leading Maori figures in Auckland: Mr George Latimer, left, member of the tribal executive, is also active in sports administration. Mr Wakarara P. Karaka, now manager of the Maori Community Centre has been a considerable influence for years. Born in Tokomaru Bay, he joined the Department of Maori Affairs before the war, and after serving in the Middle East, became welfare officer in Auckland.

Two women with leadership roles in Auckland are Mrs Tumanako Reweti and Miss Ani Pihema, both members of the community centre trust board. Mrs Reweti is a regular voluntary worker at the centre and the president of the city branch of the Maori Women's Welfare League. Miss Pihema, of Ngati Whatua, ex-school teacher, is now a welfare officer with the Department of Maori Affairs.

Other leaders frequently met at the centre from left to right: Mr Andrew Paapu, Ngapuhi, chairman of the Owairaka tribal committee, and a public servant; Mrs Bella Taura, the ‘mother’ of the university Maori Club—more formally known as the president of the Whare Wananga branch of the M.W.W.L.; and Mrs Maraea Te Kawa, also very prominent in the league. All these people have a variety of other functions—Mr Paapu as secretary of a study group which meets at the Department of Anthropology (Auckland University) every fortnight; Mrs Te Tawa on bodies such as the recent money drive for Ruia Morrison.

education is a source of status and his leadership in party politics is made effective by his skill in both Maori and European things. He is a good Maori linguist and is also a master of English.

The leader of the Labour Party in Auckland is “J”. He had a good education, a brief period in the public service, attained fame as a Rugby footballer and was one of the leaders in the establishment of the Community Centre. He had a responsible position in a trade union in Auckland. The fact that he has been chairman of the tribal executive committee shows his competence as an administrator.

LEADERSHIP

Leadership in the Auckland Maori community is comprised of a wide range of classes. The educated person is very much in evidence, so are the bureaucratic leader, the professional man, the woman leader, the administrator and the religious leader. It is to be expected that they would feature in an urban community close to European institutions. But then the kaumatua, the kuia and the rangatahi leader are here too. The pattern of leadership is practically the same as that found in the village community, the main difference is in the shift of priority. The educated person has moved to the fore in the urban community, while the kaumatua and kuia are called upon on specific occasions.

The bases of authority are not as clear cut as those found in the more homogeneous grouping of the village kinship community. Kinship affiliations in the city are important in developing leadership within particular tribes or subtribes. Ethnic association and the embodiment of Maori

Chairman of the Tribal Executive, and therefore senior Maori administrator in Auckland, is Mr Matiu Te Hau, in private life tutor-organizer for the Auckland Regional Council of Adult Education. Mr Te Hau, who hails from Opotiki, had varied experience in survey parties before the war but ended up doing a university degree and becoming a teacher. After the war, he joined Adult Education; the originality of his thought and the force of his oratory in both English and Maori are widely known.

Added to education and European skills may be mentioned the alliance of a Maori leader with European institutions. A clergyman is backed by his church, and adult education tutor by the university, and the civil servant by the Government Department. The majority of the leaders in the city of Auckland are the specialists in charge of sports and recreation or other youth activities. Here general kinship supported by outstanding skill in games or in administration in the clubs helps to give prestige. A player who has achieved national fame is highly respected in the Maori community and such persons may find themselves being transferred into positions of leadership in the other organisations in the community.

The kaumatua and the kuia come into their own when distinguished Maori or European ivsitors are welcomed at the Maori Community Centre. Their main function is to give just that touch of Maori dignity and ceremonial to the gatherings.

THE OUTLOOK FOR THE AVERAGE WORKER

Auckland offers seasonal employment to thousands of semi-skilled and unskilled workers in freezing works, wool stores, tanneries and chemical plants. Employment is possible on earth moving contracts, in market gardens, on building jobs or in other outdoor enterprises for which the summer months are best suited. The peak months of full employment are from November to February and mid-March. It is easy to see what happens in the winter. For every job offering there are then the many seasonal workers whose summer contracts are over. In 1958, the welfare officers in the Maori Affairs Department in Auckland found jobs for well over 200 people who sought our assistance, and many, many times they had a most difficult task. On one occasion an officer took three young Maoris to a factory in answer to an advertisement and found that 117 others had been there before him. Another time 40 men had applied for a labourer's job before he got there at nine o'clock in the morning. These cases are quoted to illustrate the difficulty of finding employment during the off season, and must surely give us cause for serious thought.

THE PRIMARY SCHOOL

In New Zealand during the primary school years, the Maori child has a choice of going to a Maori school administered by the Education Department or to a board school. In Auckland, there are no Maori schools and therefore the Maori children go to the same primary school as the Europeans.

The Auckland Education Board does not make available any special facilities for teaching the Maori children in Auckland. The official view is that no discrimination will be made regarding

entrance and availability of courses. Maori children must take their place along with their pakeha friends. The education system requires that the programme of primary education include English, Arithmetic, Geography, History, Drawing, Handwork (including needlework for girls), Nature Study and Elementary Science, Vocal Music, Physical Instruction, Health Education, Civics and Moral Education. However, the liberal allowances made in the syllabus have given scope for many primary school headmasters and teachers to impart knowledge of Maori culture, especially when there is a Maori school teacher on the staff. Under the guidance of such teachers as Mr J. Tapiata, Mr R. Manihera and many others, children are taught stick games, Maori choir songs, handgames, legends and even elementary carving. these teachers are able to give the children valuable insight into Maoridom of old and at the same time supply an essential part of the child's development. A few teachers (Maori and pakeha) have used the special education on radio programmes which includes some aspects of Maori culture. Others have used tape recordings made by various student clubs in Auckland.

Another interesting feature of the Auckland education system is the generous work on the part of the Auckland Teachers' Training College Maori Club to put on a concert at various schools. Of course, it is up to the schools to invite them along to perform at the school and this is done with the help of the Parent-Teachers' Association. For example, at one school one Saturday a big Maori festival was held which included a number of large hangis and a two-hour concert programme by the Teachers' Maori Club. This proved such a success that other schools have taken advantage of this offer. Of course this idea is only in its embryonic stage, but it is so promising that it is hoped that other schools will invite and use these student teachers.

Another aspect pertaining to education is the increasing interest taken at Auckland Teachers' Training College, in Maori culture. At the college there is a Maori lectureship in which potential teachers Maori, and pakeha, are taught different aspects of Maori culture so that they are able to give the Maori children some knowledge of their own heritage. These student teachers are taught action songs, hakas, waiatas, string games, Maori myths and legends, elementary Maori language and aspects that are valuable to a teacher and to the child. Other organisations are hoping that Maori language could be taught in primary schools where there are quite a number of Maori children, but there are a number of problems that are encountered in organising this.

There are 1,330 registered Maori children in the metropolitan area. The greatest number of Maoris seem to be concentrated at the longer-settled areas of Auckland. The distribution of Maori children over the schools ranges from 0 to 120 Maori children. Generally the children do not go to a particular school because of better educational facilities, but because of the proximity of the school to their homes.

There are about 46 primary schools in Auckland which have Maori children. The following figures will show the Metropolitan schools where there is the greatest concentration.

In addition, it will show what percentage of the total population are Maoris and how many there are attending the school at the beginning of the school year 1958.

Unfortunately, the Board does not always place the available Maori teachers in those schools where the Maori roll is highest. Yet this might be helpful in the future. Such teachers would naturally not officially help the Maori children, but they would be on the spot if problems arose or if Maori culture lessons were needed.

THE INTERMEDIATE AND
TECHNICAL SCHOOL

After the children complete Standard 4 they have a choice of going to an intermediate school for another three years or continuing at the primary school for another two years. The aim of the intermediate school is “to provide a period of expansive, realistic and socially integrative education that will give all future citizens a common basis of experience and knowledge.” It is designed to introduce all children gradually and sympathetically to the world of industry, commerce and

the professions; and to help each child to a rational choice of future school course or occupation based on knowledge of his own aptitudes and interests and on the nature of the work involved.

However there are only a few Maoris who use the advantage offered by the intermediate school, not because they do not see the value in it but because it is more convenient to continue in the primary school. There is only one known Maori teacher in these schools in Auckland. Her actual teaching does not include Maori culture.

From intermediate schools or primary schools a Maori child has the choice of going to a post-primary school or a technical school of which the post-primary schools figure the most prominently as far as numbers are concerned. Technical schools were first established about 40 years ago partly as a result of the failure of the secondary schools to provide adequately for a short-course and non-academic pupil. These schools tend to serve those who will eventually find work in non-professional fields, though they offer advanced technological courses in their evening classes. There are no official figures regarding Maori children in these schools, but there are quite a few.

THE SECONDARY SCHOOL

Just over half the pupils entering post-primary schools leave at, or before, the end of their second year, a quarter at the end of their third year, and a quarter at the end of their fourth year or fifth year. An increasing number every year at the end of their third year attempt to secure a School Certificate. Generally there are no special facilities available although there is much talk and interest taken in New Zealand of introducing Maori language into such schools which have a fair proportion or number of Maoris. As yet this has not come into regular practice. However there are a few schools which cater specially for Maori boys and girls. Queen Victoria Maori Girls' School is a private Church school. Under the guidance of Mr J. Waititi, nearly all aspects of Maori culture are taught. The girls are taught Maori language so that by the time they are eligible for sitting School Certificate and University Entrance they are competent enough to site Maori language as one of their subjects. Maori material culture is studied only with myths and legends. The culture is studied as a broad basis for specific studies. It is in this school, in conjunction with St Stephens Maori Boys' School, that we find a fine concert group specifically showing off Maori dances such as hakas and action songs.

St Peter's Maori Boys' School in Northcote is another school which includes Maori lessons. This school is administered and conducted by the Roman Catholic Church. Many of the boys take part in their Maori opera which is presented every year in and around Auckland. These operas are based upon Maori stories. These operas have become very popular in Auckland and each year the public are always eager to attend the operas that give these boys scope for their flair in acting on stage.

An interesting feature is the interest taken by a public school in catering for its Maori pupils.

A young Auckland Maori with a distinguished academic career is Mr Ian Hugh Kawharu who completed a B.Litt. degree at Oxford last year on a thesis about Maori land tenure. He is now with the Department of Maori Affairs as a welfare officer; he hopes to do a doctorate later, but meanwhile is keen to get practical welfare experience in the field.

SPECIAL SCHOOLS

A number of special schools are scattered throughout Auckland: Titirangi has a school for the deaf, Parnell has a school for the blind, Epsom a cerebal palsy centre, and Onehunga a backward class for slow learners. Newmarket has a remedial clinic, Auckland Hospital an educational centre, and Owairaka a school for difficult boys.

All these schools cater for Maoris as well as Pakehas. Each child is given special treatment and training. Many Maoris are becoming aware of these special facilities, for there is an increasing number taking advantage of them.

To sum up, Auckland's importance to the Maori as an educational centre can hardly be overemphasised: not only do city schools and colleges help to adapt the Auckland Maori to the social pattern of the urban community, but they also increasingly serve the Maoris from other parts of the province. To hundreds of young Maoris, Auckland is an educational Mecca from where they can radiate out to the villages and help in the successful adjustment of the Maori of the future.

SUCCESS OF HOUSING SCHEMES

Most of the Maori families settled in this way have been those who have shown that they are able to measure up to the required living standards in a predominantly pakeha community.

From all accounts, 90 per cent of the Maori families in Auckland have successfully adapted themselves to their new situation. But it is still possible to pick a Maori home here and there among those of Europeans, by features other than the kumara or maize which grows in every well-kept Maori garden. In some of these cases of neglect there is no garden, the section is overgrown, and the paint has peeled off the houses. While these sort of homes are relatively fewer than they used to be they are still numerous enough to bring discredit on the people living in the locality.

A more healthy sign in the process of Maori adjustment to life in Auckland is the number of complaints which the welfare officers receive from Maori householders about the behaviour of their own people. While complaints generally are fewer the fact that more Maoris are making them suggests that they are keenly alive to their responsibilities and determind that their good name will not be taken away from them by their own people who would cast a slur on the race. The sort of complaints received are about people who illtreat their homes, create a nuisance in the neighbourhood, or do not pay their way.

MAORI ADAPTABILITY

It has been shown by a study of the relationship between Maori and pakeha residents in a community that the Maori does not have to imitate the pakeha to be a good citizen. On the contrary, he derives more respect by behaving like a good Maori. Pekeha neighbours have remarked on the fact that Maori families have their traditional ways which in no way conflict with those of the pakeha and in many cases engender interest and impart character to a settlement. Most of the conduct which gives rise to objections is not typical of Maori traditional life but has been inherited from the pakeha.

The way the Maori has fitted into the Auckland community has exploded to some extent the argument that the Maori is a communal being. Rather has it emphasised that he is a highly adaptable person. While he is capable of leading an individualistic life he is also able to depart from it for a time and seek satisfaction in those communal institutions which are so much a part of his tradition. In order to lead a balanced and orderly life the city dweller needs ready access to the essential features of the two worlds in which he is required to live. One of the deficiencies in Auckland is an adequate community centre, or, preferably, more than one community centre, catering for all the Maoris and where Maori and pakeha can meet in a predominantly Maori environment.

THE HOUSING NEED

Some idea of the urgency of the problem can be gained from the fact that the number of current applications in the whole of the Auckland district for homes under the department's scheme is almost 600. Of these applicants, 499 have deposits totalling £59,692. Under the department's saving scheme, applicants are able to build up deposits to help pay for their homes by voluntary deductions from wages or other sources. However, the department's means are insufficient to cope with the problem singlehanded. Since the start of its housing operations, it has built 724 houses in the Auckland metropolitan area and it hopes to build about 120 houses this year. With 300 applicants on the Auckland waiting list, it will be some time before the existing demand is satisfied.

The special allocation of State houses to Maoris is also inadequate. It has been the means of housing 410 families but the department still has 173 applications on its books. At the present rate of allocation—about 40 houses a year—it will be some years before the applicants are satisfied. As it is, nearly all the available State houses are given to tuberculosis sufferers who have the highest priority. But even their requirements cannot be satisfied with the present allocation.

Maori people coming to Auckland find that the bright lights of the city are dimmed by the dismal housing situation. Many of them apply for homes but are soon discouraged when they find out that the prospects of obtaining them are by no means good. This helps to perpetuate the sub-standard conditions in which many Maoris are still living. The future of Maoris coming to the city to work and receive the benefits of the better educational facilities which exist here for their children is not bright. The population is increasing at such a rapid rate, and with its comparative youth, the number of marriages will place such a heavy burden on the building resources in future that under present conditions the demand can be only partially satisfied.

Before the Dept. of Maori Affairs can build a house, there is usually a long series of discussions with the prospective client who is often very inexperienced in such matters and who has to be carefully guided in the biggest investment of his life; also, a good deal of information has to be obtained to consider his case. All this is the work of Maori welfare officers, such as Mr A. B. (Bill) Nepia (right), well-known in sports circles as former Wellington and Auckland provincial rugby representative. Mr Nepia, who comes from Tokomaru Bay, finished the larger part of a B.A. degree before joining welfare.

Roskill with a double chapel and recreation hall. The movement aims to provide the members with spiritual recreation including speech, drama, music, dancing, athletics, and Maori culture through the Mutual Improvement Association. The Relief Society Organisation caters for the women with such studies as homecraft and literature. Leadership training meetings are held every month.

These activities supplement the normal services in the different chapels. Like other denominations the Latterday Saints find they have to conduct their services in the Maori language to a less extent than was the case 10 years ago. The younger city Maoris are rapidly becoming Europeanised and more dependant on European methods to satisfy their daily needs.

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A Maori meeting house is to be built at Rehua Maori Hostel in Christchurch by 14 of the hostel's carpentry apprentices and three qualified Maori tradesmen. The house will accommodate 200 and will stand beside the hostel. It is hoped to provide traditional carvings for the front of the house.

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There will be an Anglican rally at Putiki, Wanganui, during Labour week-end this year. About 550 young Maori people are expected as guests.

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A committee of management has been elected for the Sir Apirana Ngata Memorial College in Ruatoria. Although the college is now being run by the Hawke's Bay Education Board, the committee will be able to gain experience in administering affairs of the college, and eventually a Board of Governors will be installed. The new members are: Mr W. Goldsmith, Ruatoria; Mr G. Reedy, Hiruharama, Mr J. C. Reedy, Ruatoria; Mr H. F. Smyth, Ruatoria; Mr P. Milner, Whangara; Mrs H. Waititi, Ruatoria; Dr D. Sinclair, Tolaga Bay (representing the Hawke's Bay Education Board); Mr H. Thatcher, Ruatoria (representing the Waiapu County Council); and Mr H. Fox, Waipiro Bay (representing the tribal committees).

A longer article on the college will be published in our next issue.

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The Tuhoe Maori Trust Board, set up to administer £100,000 compensation granted by the government recently, held its first meeting last March. Members are Messrs S. White, of Murupara; J. Boynton, B. Biddle and U. Tutuwhenua, Waimana; P. Tari, R. Rangi, T. Nikora and W. Te Paora, Ruatoki; I. Pouwhare, Waiohau; J. Tahuri and P. Apirana, Ruatahuna.

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The owners of the Taharoa ironsands formed an incorporation at a meeting at Kawhia last March. The incorporation owns 3257 acres of ironsand deposits, held by fifty-seven owners. Mining will not begin for some considerable time.

He pitopito korero purakau i rangona e te Kai-tuhi i a ratau ko ona tuakana taina hoki e tamariki ana, ki to ratau tipuna wahine, i roto i to ratau wharepuni, i nga po roroa o te waru.

LITERARY COMPETITION
IN MAORI

For the fourth literary competition in Maori there were five entries. Every one of them was good, and will be published in Te Ao Hou. Our judge, Mr M. Te Rokohiko Jones, reports as follows:

“I award first prize to the writer of ‘Haere ma te Tuaraki Korua e Manaaki’ and second prize to ‘Rapua te Matauranga o te Pakeha i roto i Te Ao Hou.’

“The first prize winner has written a very good essay with excellent Maori. The only argument I have with him is in regard to his spelling of the words ‘manaaki’ with one ‘a’ and ‘ataahua’ with one ‘a’, otherwise it is an excellent essay. The story is about two people who were made outcasts by the people and banished to an island.

“The second prize winner has written a very good essay on the aims and objects of the Maori Welfare Division. There were, how Maori Welfare Division. There were, however, a few careless mistakes throughout the essay. The other three were fair.”

The essay ‘Rapua te Matauranga o te Pakeha i roto i Te Ao Hou,’ by Mr Peter Kaua, of Gisborne, will be published in our next issue.

tae raua [ unclear: ] a ka tahaetia e raua nga toenga i manakohia e raua ka amo ki to raua pupahi. Ko te mahi n [ unclear: ] ai ko te amonga i a raua wahine, i a Te Aowel sea, i a Te Aomihia. Okioki ana raua i to raua pupahi, e tatari ana mo te hau parera hei hok [ unclear: ] nga mo raua ki to raua moutere.

Ehara, i tetahi po ka puta te parera, ka eke [ unclear: ] ratau ki runga ka hoe ki te moana. I mua atu i to ratau maunutanga, tino kaha te riri a nga wahine nei ki a raua, a, he mea tupikipiki tonu i eke ai i a raua ki runga i to raua porototara, a, ao rawa ake kua tino tawhiti ratau ki te moana, ko te parera e arahi ana i a ratau pera ano i ta nga tihi-maunga i waitohu ai.

Ko wai te wahine e kaha ki nga kupu whakawai a te tane, kua mohio ke nga wahine nei ki a raua ko nga tangata i whiua nei ki tetahi moutere pamamao a ko raua tenei e kawhakina nei i a raua ki reira. Ka whakaaro raua, mehemea ehara i te toa, i te maia, i te ngaio, i te marohiroki, tera ano e ora raua, e hoki ki uta ma runga i te poro-rakau, a e hoki ano ki to raua moutere. I roto i to raua pouri, i a raua arita, ka whanau te miharo ki a raua mo enei tangata ka whakaae raua ki te tono a nga tangata nei kia haere ratau i runga i te rangimarie i te tumanako kia u ratau ki to ratau moutere. Ka hopu atu a Tiki raua ko Toko, ko nga ingoa hoki tenei o nga tangata nei, ka hongi ki a Te Aowehea raua ko Te Aomihia muri iho i te whakamataratanga o raua taura here, ka hoe whanau ratau i te Moana nui a Kiwa.

Kua mohio a Tiki raua ko Toko ki te ihu-moana, kua whai raua i nga whetu arahi i a raua i te po, kua manawa-reka raua ki nga ra kei mua i a raua, kua pai mai hoki nga wahine nei ki a raua, me u ki uta ka tika. Otira, na te pumau o te parera i taea ai, ina hoki, pakapaka ratau katoa i te rehu tai, i te pao a te ra, i te makariri i te po, i te mate kai, katahi ano ka u ki uta. Ka hoki mai te waiora ki a ratau ka moea e Tiki a Te Aowehea, ka moea e Toko a Te Aomihia. Kaore i roa kua oti o ratau kainga, kua tipu a ratau kai i mau atu ra, kua tau a Tamaiwaho kei runga i a ratau.

Ka haere na te wa, ehara, ka hapu nga wahine nei, a ka tae ki te whakamamaetanga kaore i kitea te ritenga mo te whakawhanau, ko te hua i te wa o ia wahine i whakawhanau ai, ka mate tena wahine, tena wahine, engari ora iho ko a raua tamariki, he wahine anake. Me aha e raua te whangai kia ora ai a raua tamariki kua tangohia nei hoki te wai u i a raua. I roto i to raua pouritanga, poraruraru-tanga hoki, ka manakitia a raua tamariki, ka ora, ka tipu, ka pakari. Ko to raua aroha ki a raua wahine he roa te wa i tangihia ai e raua, a, no te memehatanga, ka hoki o raua whakaaro ki te hoki ano ki te wa kainga ki te tiki wahine ano ma raua, engari i te whakaaro ki a raua tamariki, ka puritia e raua tenei mo tetahi atu wa, kia pakeke a raua tamariki.

Ka tipu a raua tamahine, te ora, te atahua, me te harakoa i runga i to ratau moutere, a, tae noa ki te whakaatatanga o nga tohu o te wahinetanga. Ko ta Tiki tamahine ko Te Aorere te ingoa, ko ta Toko ko Te Aotu.

I tetahi po ka oho ratau i te haruru o te moana, me te ua o te marangai me te tangi o te whaititiri, ka taha a Tiki ka ki atu ki a Toko. “Penei ano taua po i mua ra i whakaaro ai taua mo te haere ki te wa kainga, a, kei te whakaaro tonu taua mo te haere ano; ko te tino kaupapa he tiki wahine ma taua. Kua manakitia taua i te haerenga tuatahi, ko wai ka mohio ki te haerenga tuarua. Hara mai taua ka noho anei a taua tamahine hei wahine ma taua.” Whakaae ana raua, a moea tonutia atu e raua a raua tamahine.

Tera tetahi pakeha matau ki nga mea Maori, e tere haere ana i runga i tona kaipuke paku nei, ka u i tetahi po ki tetahi taha o te moutere nei. I te ata ka whakaaro ia ki te mataki i te ahua o te moutere nei, a kaore i roa ka heipu atu ia ki te kainga o Tiki ma, ka kite atu ia i nga wahine tokorua e tu ana, e tuhi ana tetahi ki te moana, a, e korero atu ana ki tetahi i enei kupu. “Ara a taua tane, nga tane a o taua koka, o taua papa, nga papa hoki o a taua tamariki.” Tiro kau ana kei whea nga koka e korerotia ra, engari ko nga tamariki e porohianga ana i mua i a raua. Ka whai tona titiro ki te tuhi a te wahine ra, kua kite ia i nga tane tokorua e hi ika mai ana i runga i to raua poro-rakau.

Miharo ana ia mo enei kupu, a ka koa riri tona ngakau karaitiana mo tenei ahua moe a te tangata, no te mea kaore hoki ia i matau kua mate ke nga koka o nga wahine ra, na reira kaore i marama ki te pono o nga korero a te wahine ra. Muri iho i tona whakamohiotanga i a ia ki te hunga nei, katahi ano ia ka marama.

Na te whakapapa e whai ake nei i whakaatu. Ka noho a Tiki i a Te Aowehea, ko Te Aohore he wahine, ka mate a Te Aowehea

Ka noho a Toko i a Te Aomihia, ko Te Aotu he wahine, ka mate a Te Aomihia

Ka moea e Tiki te tamahine a Toko, a Te Aotu Ka moea e Toko te tamahine a Tiki, a Te Aohore

Kia puta ki waho ko nga tamariki i kite nei te pakeha nei. Ko te mutunga tenei o tenei korero purakau, no roto o Waiapu, Ngatiporou.

KUPU APITI:

O matau moenga i to matau wharepuni, he manuka a raro he raupo a runga ake, a he takapau te uhi. E rua nga paraikete konia mo matau nui noa atu, kati na te mahana tonu o roto ehara te wariu o te paraikete i te mea nui, no te mea he taonga haere, atu i tetahi moka o te whare tae atu ki tetahi moka i te murere o nga tuakana. Ki te tatari mo te ihu ka riro i te moe, ka kume haere ai i nga konia nei ki a ratau.

He taonga nui te purakau ki nga kuia o mua, a, tae mai ki te tau 1920, ki te wa i ara ai nga wharepapa o te iwi, i kore ai nga whare puni, nga kauta, nga pananaki. Ma te ngakaunui o te tamaiti ka u ia ki te mutunga o te purakau. No reira, haere nga pukorero o nga purakau nei, haere mauria te reo atahua i matau na koutou, mauria nga taonga o tatau wharepuni, te korohu auahi, te ngau a te kutu moori, te whakamomori a oti noa te purakau. Waiho ake matau ki te whakarongo i nga kupu o te irirangi e karanga ana “Ki ora ki ora, ara atu, a ka reka tonu hoki te haere. Ka mutu takiwa noa atu, ma wai e whai te korero ki Waimahuru.

5. Take tuarima hei tirohanga: Ka haere koe ki te whawhai, a i te ra i whakatika atu ai koe i to kainga, kia mau ki nga take e whai ake nei. Tuatahi, kia pai te tahu i te umu o; kia maoa, he pai; ki te kore i maoa, he he, ara he aitua; kia mahara, ata whakaaroa. Tuarua, kia pai to haere, kauaka e arita, e whakahoki kupu ranei, e pokanoa ranei ki te mea a tetahi, te whai kupu ranei ki tetahi tangata. Kaua e pa ki nga mahi kino katoa, kei waiho hei take whakararu i a koe i roto o te whawhai; heoi mau ko te ngawari, ko te humarie, ko te rongo ki nga kupu tohutohu o te whawhai, ko te piri o te ngakau ki te atua hei awhina, hei tieki i a koe i nga wa o te he. I a koe e haere a matua ana to haere ki te whawhai, auaka e haere punui, engari kia whai toro, a mua, a muri. Ko nga toro o mua kia whai kiore, kia tokorua ki mua hei tirotiro haere i roto o nga rakau, o nga awaawa, o nga kohatu, i to hoariri. Auaka aua kiore e haere tahi, kia rima, kia ono tiini te matara o tetahi ki mua, o tetahi ki muri, kei kotahi tonu te hopunga i aua kiore. No te mea ko aua kiore he tangata kua tukua mo te mate; i wehea ai raua, kia mau rawa ake ai tetahi o raua, ka puta tetahi o raua, hei kawe korero ki te heteri (toro), ki te matua hoki, a mehemea ranei ka puta tetahi o raua, ka puhia mai e te hoariri, ka mate, ka rangona atu nga pu e te heteri (toro), e te matua, a ka haere mohio atu ratou ki te waahi i tangi mai ai nga pu. A, mehemea hoki ka kore he heteri, ara he toro, ki mua o te matua haere ai, ka haere matua tonu te haere, a tera pea kua hangaia mai e to hoariri nga pehipehi mou ki roto o nga maunga, o nga ngahere, o nga awaawa, nga apiti ranei; ka haere atu koe i runga i te kuare, kaore e mohiotia atu tera nga pehipehi mou te takoto mai ra, ma te waha tonu koe o te pu e whakamohio, mohio rawa ake koe, ka poto koe kei raro te ngau e te mataa.

He taonga nui te waha karanga i roto o te whawhai, ahakoa te tangi a te pu, ka mahia ake te waha karanga, “Kokiri ra— E! [Ka whakahua ki tona hapu, iwi ranei, i konei] Kokiri! Kokiri!” Ka whati ra to hoariri, ka whati, ka whati. Ka rongo te hapu, te iwi ranei, e karangatia ra te ingoa i roto o te whawhai, ka kaha nga uaua me te tinana ki te rere totoa ki te reo e karanga ra, te hapaitanga a te aroha, me te ngakau rite kia kotahi takotoranga ki te marae, hei korero whakatu ma te hoariri i te ao tu roa.

We continue in this issue the essay by Tuta Nihoniho on Maori methods of bush warfare. In the previous instalment the author discussed the preparations and the omens of ancient Maori war campaigns; here he concentrates on battle tactics. The essay is presented entirely as it was first printed in 1913, translated and edited by Elsdon Best.

He taru taha te mataa; me he mea ka kitea atu te puhanga mai, he titaha te karo, he tuku tetahi, he tarapeke tetahi. Engari kia mau tonu o kanohi ki te ngutu o te pu a to hoa i te wa tonu o te mura me te auahi, te timatanga ake o te puhanga; ko te wa tonu tena o te karo, huri ana to taha, hipa ana te mataa. Kia mahara ano i te wa e pupuhi ana koe, me he mea to hoariri kei ro pa, kei ro rakau, kei ro kohatu ranei, he mea pai mou te ahu i te oneone, i te kohatu, i te rakau ranei, hei parepare mou, hei arai atu i nga mataa a to hoariri, a hei pae takotoranga atu hoki mo au pu e pupuhi atu ai koe ki o hoariri. Engari, kia mahara ano koe ki te titiro i te hau o taua ra; mehemea kei to taha maui te hau, me whiu te ngutu o te pu ki te taha katau o to hoariri, ma te hau e pana haere te mataa o to pu, tae rawa atu ki to hoariri ka hangai tonu ki waenganui o to hoa. A, mehemea ranei kei raro o nga maunga te whawhaitanga, ka titiro ki te hau, me he mea he hau popoki iho i runga o nga maunga, me whiu te ngutu o to pu ki runga o te upoko o to hoariri, ma te hau e peehi whakararo te mataa o to pu, tae rawe atu ki to hoariri, ka hangai pu ki te poho, ki te puku ranei, he tuunga mo to mataa. A, me he mea ranei kei runga o nga maunga te whawhaitanga, me titiro ano te haere a te hau; me he mea e haere awhiowhio whakarunga ana te haere a te hau, me waiho tonu te ngutu o to pu i roto o nga kuha o to hoariri, ma te hau o raro, me te hiki a te paura, e hapai ake to mataa, tae rawa atu ki to hoariri, ka hangai tonu ki te puku, ki te poho, ki te upoko ranei he tuunga mo to mataa: Haunga ia te pipiritanga o tetahi ki tetahi, kaore he tirohanga

Photograph: Alexander Turnbull Library

will then know that the enemy is before them, and will warily approach the scene of the firing. Then, again, if there are no scouts out advancing in front of the main body, but the advance is simply that of a column, possibly your enemy has arranged ambuscades for you among hills, or forests, or gullies, or canyons, while you, advancing in ignorance thereof, will learn of them only by the sound of the guns; thus, when the knowledge is acquired, you are all prone on the earth under the biting of the bullets.

The uplifted voice (war-cry) is an important item in fighting. However loud the roar of the guns, let the shouting voice be heard, “Charge! O [mentioning here the name of the clan or tribe] Charge! Charge!” Whereupon your enemy will break, retire, fly. Likewise, the clan or tribe whose name is thus shouted out—both sinews and bodies will be braced to rush recklessly toward that calling voice—sustained by sympathy and a like mind that all should fall together on the field rather than be defeated or than disregard the cry, to remain hereafter a subject for the discourse of the enemy before the world.

Bullets may be avoided. If the act of firing is seen, then a swift turning is one mode of avoiding the bullet; to duck down is another; to jump upward another. It is well to have your eyes fixed on the muzzle of the gun of your opponent at the moment the flame and smoke appear, the very commencement of the firing; that is the moment to avoid the shot, turn swiftly, and the ball passes by. Remember also at the time when you are firing, and if your enemy is in a pa, or such cover as bush or rocks, it is a good thing for you to heap up earth, or stones, or timber as a breastwork for yourself, to ward off the bullets of your enemy, also to serve as a rest for your guns when firing at the enemy. Be sure to remember to study the wind at such a time, and if it is blowing from your left point the muzzle of your gun to the right side of your enemy (as he faces you), then the thrust of the wind will about bring the bullet of your gun in line with your enemy. If the fight is going on under hills, observe the wind, and if the wind is blowing downwards from the ranges line the muzzle of your gun on the head of your enemy, the wind will depress the bullet so as to strike him in the breast or stomach. Should the fight occur among hills, and the wind is an eddying-upward one, then aim between the thighs of your enemy; the upward wind, combined with the lifting force of the powder, will force the bullet upward so as to strike him in the stomach, breast, or head. In close combat, of course, there is no need to observe the above advice, for at such a time Rangi and Papa (the heavens and earth) have come together, and man partakes of his food of blood on the field of war. Hence the adage which says. “He puta taua ki te tane, he whanau tama ki te wahine” (“Fighting with man and childbirth with women”), meaning that a battle is the most dangerous, painful, and strenuous experience endured by man, as

ki enei tohu i runga ake nei, no te mea ka kapiti a Rangi raua ko Papa i tena wa; ka kai hoki te tane i tana kai, i te toto, i roto o te parekura. No konei te whakatauki e ki ra, “He puta taua (ara he parekura) ki te tane, he whanau tama ki te wahine.” Kia mahara ano, he kahawai te ika toto nui i whakaritea ki te wahine, a he reo mana, he reo aroha nui te reo wahine ki te karanga i roto o te whawhai. Me he mea hoki ka riro ma te wahine e tapa te whana o te riri, e kore e taea e te hoariri te whakahoki mai taua whana. He mea hoki, na te wahine i tautapa te riri, he pari hoki e rere ai ki te po nga wahine no nga tane.

Tuarua, ki te houia e te tane te rongo o te whawhai, e kore e mau, ka kiia tera he rongo tama-tane, he atua, he taitahae. Engari ka riro ma te wahine e hohou te rongo, ka kiia tera he rongo tama-wahine, ka mau te rongo, he rongo taketake. Kaati ake tenei.

Na, me hoki atu ano ki te ahua o to pupuhi atu ki to hoariri, i a koe i roto i o parepare, i roto ranei i to pa e pupuhi ana ki to hoariri, kia ata titiro ano koe ki nga pu whakamoke a o hoariri. No reira, ki te paku atu to pu, auaka koe hei titiro tonu atu ki te wahi i puhia atu ai to pu, no te mea kei te taumautia mai te auahi o to pu i te wa ano i puta atu ai te auahi o to pu. Ka tere tonu te paku mai nga pu whakamoe mou; tera pea ka rokohanga mai koe e nga mataa o aua pu whakamoe, e titiro atu ana ki te waahi i puhia atu ai to pu, a tera pea ka taweka koe i etahi o nga mataa o aua pu whakamoe. Engari ano, ka paku atu to pu, kia tere te tuku iho to mahunga ki raro o to parepare, kia mahea ra ano te auahi o to pu, katahi ka titiro whakamoke atu ai ki te wa ki to hoariri.

Take tuaono hei tirohanga. Me ata titiro ano koe ki nga tu o nga tangata i te pu, ahakoa i mate rawa, i kai-a-kiko ranei; a no te taha ki a koe, no te taha ranei ki o hoariri. Me he mea ka kitea kei te puku, heke iho ki nga waewae nga tangata i nui nga tuunga i te mataa, ka kiia he pakanga e heke ana, a me he mea ranei he nui atu nga tangata i nga poho nga tuunga i te mataa, ahu ake ki te upoko, ka kiia tera he pakanga e piki ana. Me he mea ranei, i a korua ko to hoariri e whawhai ana, ka titiro koe ki o tupapaku e hinga-hinga ana, me he mea e hinga atu ana nga pane o ou tupapaku ki te wa ki o hoariri, he tohu pai tena ki a koe, a muri ake ka ea te mate o aua tupapaku ou. Tena, ki te hinga mai ki te taha ki a koe nga pane o ou tupapaku, he atua, he taitahae; kia mahara, kei raru koe i to hoa a muri atu.

childbirth is the same among women. Bear in mind that the kahawai is the fish compared with woman (6); also that a woman's voice is one that has much power, and commands much sympathy in time of battle. For if a woman assumes the function of uttering the war-cries and calls to action, then the enemy will not be able to resist the charge, as it was a woman who gave the word of command to attack, for, of a verity, women are as a cliff over which men leap to death (7).

Again, if a peace is concluded in time of war by men, it will not be a firm or lasting one. It is termed a male peace, and stands for treachery, deceit, trouble. But if women assume the function of making peace, that is known as a female peace, and it will be a firm, durable one. Enough on this point.

Now let us return to the subject of your firing at your enemy from your breastworks or your pa; be careful to watch the gunfire of hidden enemies —snipers. Therefore, when you fire, do not stop to look at the place you fired at, because the smoke of your gun was being waited for when it appeared, and a return fire from concealed men will quickly be directed against the spot you fired from; so that, if you watch the place you fired at, you may be reached by bullets from those hidden guns, or you may be chanced upon by some of them. It is desirable, as soon as you have fired, to quickly duck your head down below your breastwork, and, when the smoke of your gun has quite cleared away, then you may look carefully out in the direction of your enemy (8).

LEAGUE FOOTBALL

The League code is richly endowed with lustrous names of Maoridom. Names like George Nepia, Jim Rukutai, Peter Ririnui, those famous brothers Rangi and Tommy Chase, Steve Watene and Ivan Gregory scintillate among a galaxy of stars. Most of these players were converts from the Rugby Union where they had already made their reputations. Nepia had played League in England and on his return to New Zealand played for the Manukau Club in Auckland. Manukau is one of the greatest club teams to have ever played on Carlaw Park and in its heydey boasted a team in which internationals rubbed shoulders with provincial stars. Manukau consisted entirely of players of Maori descent and proved a great draw card. The senior team achieved one of

Mrs May Smith, captain of the Akarana Club, is one of New Zealand's leading basketball and softball players. (Photo: Robin Wood)

In the ill fated team that left for England in 1939 Manukau had Ririnui, Hemi, Broderick, Chase, and Mahuna. Ririnui it was said was first choice with the other four pressing close on his heels. The 1937 Springboks said of Ririnui that he was the greatest forward they encountered on their now famous tour. It was the following year that the giant Maori forward changed over to the League code. Jack Hemi was a prodigious kicker with either foot and using the torpedo technique he could send the ball fifty yards down field without noticeable effort. His goal kicking was of a very high standard and he won the goal kicking competition several times. To send the ball high above the crossbar from half-way was commonplace to Hemi. The advantage from the kick off or drop out was enormous to his side as it meant they regained possession. There were several other prominent Maori players in other clubs and when the combined Maoris played combined pakehas in their annual match the ground was packed to capacity and very seldom were the fans disappointed with the fare. Rukutai, whose name is perpetuated in the Rukutai School, won renown as a player and also as a very able administrator in the League code. Manukau

owned a great deal to Steve Watene in an administrative capacity and also able captaincy on the field. Watene captained New Zealand against the Englishmen prior to the war. The present day crop of sportsmen have yielded players of the calibre of Maxwell, Ratima and Turner, also Yates, all internationals. Backs do not seem as numerous as in other years, perhaps because of the type of game played now or the paucity of talent. It is a fact that there are few Maori backs of brilliance these days who could compare with those of the past. However, that seems to be a failing of both codes at present. One could write at length on Maori players in the code so if I have omitted any it is only because space does not permit. But I would like to say this, that the impact of the Maori on League has been to the good in that they have brought a natural ebullience to the game and a variety of “Maori” tricks. All through the lower grades you will find Maoris playing and the League code has done good in that respect in that it has provided recreation for Maoris of all ages.

BASKETBALL

Outdoor basketball has a large number of Maori girls and women in competition. There are two associations, the Auckland Women's Basketball Association and the Catholic Women's League. Both associations have Maori teams competing. Also many of the girls play in other teams. The Queen Victoria Maori Girls' College has proved in the nature of a nursery for many Auckland representatives have come from the college. One of Auckland's most prominent players is Miss June Waititi, who has represented Auckland for many years and has also played for North Island which she captained in 1958. Miss Waititi has also proved a capable coach of the college team and when the school meet their coach in the competition games, there are no beg pardons!

Mrs May Smith, about whom so much has been written, is one of Auckland's outstanding sports-women. Whether it be outdoor or indoor basketball or softball, May Smith can foot it with the best. Her daughters also play good basketball, whilst her son George shows promise as an indoor basketballer.

Indoor basketball is well organised in Auckland. With its headquarters at the Maori Community Centre, the Maori Youth Movement Indoor Basketball League conducts an annual winter competition. The league is one of the four constituting the Auckland Association, with headquarters at the Y.M.C.A. The Maori Youth Movement's League is open to all and one year there was a Chinese team playing in their competition. The proportion of Maori and pakeha in the league would be approximately half and half, with some teams composed entirely of Maori players. There is one men's team called Akarana and two ladies teams, one Akarana and the other M.C.C. The president is a Maori, Mr Rautahi, who is well known in sporting circles in Auckland. His aim is to create an inter-town provincial Maori Competition in indoor basketball so anybody interested should contact Mr Rautahi, C/o. Maori Community Centre, Auckland. Here again, as in outdoor basketball, the names of Miss Waititi and Mrs Smith loom large. Both are consistent Auckland and North Island representatives and have been selected for a New Zealand team. Their advice in playing techniques and tactics is widely sought and being the fine sportswomen they are, they are always available for coaching sessions.

TENNIS

Auckland's foremost exponent of the game is Miss Ruia Morrison, a New Zealand ladies champion and our first Maori representative at Wimbledon, where she acquitted herself with honour. An old girl of Queen Victoria College, where she also played basketball, Miss Morrison is a very popular person, being noted for her unassuming manner and desire to get on with the game. On her two overseas trips she has learnt a lot and says her tennis has improved. Another of Auckland's finest players was Bob Matiu. Mr Matiu

One of Auckland's popular sports organizers is Rei Rautahi, especially prominent in basketball administration. In ordinary life he is foreman of the polishing department at the Disabled Servicemen's Training Centre. (Photo: Robin Wood)

was also New Zealand Maori champion. His career as top man for Ngatira for several seasons made him one of the most difficult men to beat on hard courts. At the last New Zealand championships held in Auckland, Mr John Waititi won the trophy for the best umpire during the whole tournament, his delivery of calls and demeanour being impeccable. There are several Maori players with various clubs in Auckland and all play good games and are able to give good accounts of themselves. Economically, it could be said that tennis is within the scope of the normal income; this is probably one reason why it is so popular.

Golf, unlike tennis, is economically difficult for many Maoris. Club enrolment fees, annual subscriptions, equipment and transport are rather prohibitive as far as the average income is concerned. However, Auckland has two New Zealand champions. Mr Godfrey, a young man of Maori descent, at the age of 17 has annexed the amateur crown of New Zealand. His feat is without parallel in New Zealand golf history. Starting as a young caddy at Titirangi, he has progressed through the caddies championships to his New Zealand title. Here is a lad with a natural rhythm and balance who only needs more intensive competition to perhaps one day be New Zealand's first Maori to play in the world amateur

championships. Mr Chapman, the present Maori champion, plays for Akarana, an old established club in Auckland. Golf as a game is gradually taking hold of the Maori in Auckland, however. At the municipal links at Chamberlain Park one may often see Maoris doing a round.

SWIMMING

As a recreation, it is very popular, but competitively Auckland has seen very few Maoris. Miss Moana Manley, now Mrs Whaanga, was our most notable exponent. Holding several Auckland records, later broken by Miss Gould, Miss Manley was a picture of grace and beauty as she glided effortlessly through the water. As a backstroke swimmer, Moana justly ranks with New Zealand's best. Many were her doughty battles with Olympian Jean Stewart. Miss Manley was a New Zealand junior champion and intermediate champion. She was also selected in an Auckland team that went to Australia, where she won in New South Wales.

Another of Auckland's better known swimmers was Mr Jock Taua, who won the D. M. and L. Wallace Cup for the Auckland 3½ mile championship open harbour swim. A powerful swimmer with splendid stroking, he competed in numerous long distance races with success against swimmers of the calibre of P. Mathieson, a New Zealand champion, and R. Buchanan, another champion. His most exciting experience was when he ran aground and had to walk home, which took much longer than swimming.

He captained his club at water polo when they achieved championship honours.

ATHLETICS

Auckland has had only one athlete of note in recent years, a young man from North Auckland, Mr D. Walters, who won a New Zealand junior hop, step and jump title.

Athletics is a sport in which Maoris should be able to compete with some measure of success. Their fleetness of foot, strength and physique in general should enable them to excel themselves. It is only while at schools, where incentive exists and discipline is present, that Maoris occupy themselves with athletics. Once they leave school they very seldom join up local clubs so a high potential is lost. So perhaps if anyone reading this could organise this sphere of activity in Auckland they would earn the gratitude of both Maori and pakeha, for who knows there may be an Olympic champion there.

SPORTING ORGANIZATIONS

Perhaps the most successful of the sporting organisations formed in Auckland after the war was the Akarana Maori Sports Association. Formed in 1947 under the able chairmanship of Mr Monty Graham, the association catered for

such sports as Rugby, cricket and basketball. With Dr. Paewai as mentor for Rugby, the club enjoyed a reasonable amount of success in the senior Rugby competition. Membership was high and interest very keen. The ladies basketball team proved very difficult to beat and were always well turned out and punctual. Cricket was played at the Domain, where it was interesting to see one of the few Maori teams to ever compete in a cricket competition.

One could write at length on the very many sports in Auckland, but as maybe seen from those already mentioned there is Maori representation of a fairly high standard. It must be recognised that there is no really strong organisation catering purely for Maori participants, as it is felt that co-existence with the pakeha on a sporting level is much more desirable than a restricted type of competition open to Maoris alone.

There is, however, no opposition to Maori teams competing as such in recognised competitions so that there is really no complete alienation of the Maori concept of doing things as Maoris, and in the Maori way.